CL, Dr. Pepper, and Gendered Mastery

South Korea (hereafter "Korea") is a supreme cultural appropriation machine and CL is its prophet. CL, née Lee Chaelin (hereafter, CL), is a master of appropriating African-American culture with apparent impunity, on two levels. First, on the basic level at which the term "cultural appropriation" is often tossed around in public discourse on hip hop and rap music as performed by non-black actors, there is the level of the semiotic symbols and other concrete bits of hip hop-ricana that associated with the deliberate signification and invocation of authentic blackness within genre products or cultural products that strive to be included within the genre. A second, more subtle mode of appropriation is at the level of signifying authenticity or even a mode of authenticity signification itself. Modes of signification themselves are what is being appropriated, as opposed to mere objects or discrete signs piece-by-piece:

Modes of Authenticity Signification

Universal modes (inbound)
a) fictive criminality
b) field mastery

CL-specific hybrid modes (outbound)
c) symbolic misogyny  
d) mock ebonics (in Korea, specifically, Kebonics)

Beginnings and Motivations

I am not a K-pop fan. This is not to say that I do not occasionally enjoy songs that bubble to the top of the genre's popularity, but I generally do not keep up with any particular acts nor keep track of the artistic trajectories of its most popular performers. While I was indeed struck by the virtuosic qualities of CL as far back as her 2ne1, girl-group days and her solo hit "Bad Girl", I engage with CL as a rap artist in the context of my far older status as a rap fan from the time of my childhood and the time of the genre's popular quickening in the mid-to-late 1980s. As a fan, my priorities have always been lyricism, swagger, and musicality, in about that order, meaning that foundational male acts such as Eric B. & Rakim, LL Cool J, the Fat Boys, and Run-DMC form the outlines of my hip-hop habitus. When it comes to female MCs on the mic from that era who met my set of musical standards and priorities, acts such as Salt& Pepa, MC Lyte, and Queen Latifah informed the development of my musical tastes and preferences, especially as they find gendered form in my choices to purchase or otherwise consume their musical products. This is the way I end up engaging with CL as a rap performer, even in Korea. So her lyricism, swagger, and musicality played a big role in determining that I would really connect with "Dr. Pepper" when it came across my desk in 2015.

This article asserts that CL is charting a strategically wise, semiotically deliberate path out of the figurative building of K-pop as a genre and Korea itself, even as she utilizes "street cred" gained by recognition in the core of authentic hip-hop in the US market as the center, which thereby gives her even more "street cred" back home in the Korean hip-hop periphery. To paraphrase the words of the immortal Rakim, one of rap and hip-hop culture's founders, "CL gets stronger as CL gets bolder."

But what is the source of her boldness? I assert that indeed, as CL engages more directly with non-K-popped, foreign elements of the musical genre in which CL is seen -- even (and especially) in Korea -- to function, as in the underground form known as "trap" music, she bolsters her perceived level of hip-hop, foreign-originated authenticity. this is most clearly seen in her 2015 video "Dr. Pepper."

The official music video for Diplo X CL X RiFF RAFF X OG Maco - Doctor Pepper. Stream the full track and other Artist releases here or show support on iTunes.

A big question, beyond what's going on in a single CL video, in how Korean popular music gets away with so much “cultural appropriation” without rebuke or much pushback from hip hop fans who often point out the inherent contradictions in the process of appropriation. Why Korean cultural appropriation of African-American culture in K-pop seems to work without arousing much ire in the United States is because it is a fairly obvious borrowing, in which the borrowing itself is always inherently attributed, and instances of this borrowing is constantly linguistically and culturally marked. Instants of faux ebonics-inflected Koreanized English -- what this paper will call "Kebonics" -- deployment mark both Derridan différance and a connection with a semiotically-defined, authentic Black Hip Hop imaginary. This différance is underlined also by the status of South Korea's relationship with the United States, it's important to remember that this is not a case of a white American overculture borrowing African-American cultural forms and calling them its own, which is why its so irksome and an issue in the USA, but borrowing any aspect of black culture and using it in a Korean context is different because the act of borrowing is obvious as the borrowing isn't perceived as just African-American, but rather American, and hence a part of the neo-colonial US-Korea relationship. In short, unlike the American overculture discovering Elvis after an appropriative act of borrowing down the power hierarchy, a Korean musical act channeling the style and execution of American hip hop is borrowing up in very essentially different power relationship to the culture at the periphery and the one that defines the center of the metropole. In short, unlike the American overculture discovering Elvis after an appropriative act of borrowing down the power hierarchy, a Korean musical act channeling the style and execution of American hip hop is borrowing up in very essentially different power relationship to the culture at the periphery and the one that defines the center of the metropole. Another interesting semiotic strategy employed in CL’s videos that aid in the appropriation of African American music culture while also bolstering the perceived authenticity of the text as part of the same conversation with it, is the way she employed the same “fictive criminality” that US rapper Ice Cube and NWA demonstrated in declaring their own mastery of the field and art, as well as over female bodies, is by the linking of said fictive criminality with the objectification of said female bodies as a sign of their virility and male power. Indeed, this is not very different from many videos in the genre, or from what CL does in her own videos. This is what helps establish her as authentic, both in Korea and outside. 

On Authenticity

Here, I take Kembrew McLeod's cogent and useful discussion of the notion of authenticity in hip-hop from his article "Authenticity WIthin Hip-Hop and Other Cultures Threatened with Assimilation" as a point of theoretical departure. Mcleod says that "...invocations of authenticity..." occurs not just in relation to hip-hop but can "...also take place in other cultures that, like hip-hop, are threatened with assimilation by a larger, mainstream culture." (Mcleod, 134) It is here that I would make a departure by way of making additions to his ideas while also linking the definition to the Korean case.  I would add that Korean hip-hop not a culture dealing discursively with assimilation into a larger mainstream, but necessarily functions within the context of the Korean historical concept of sadaejuui (사대주의), as part of a constant struggle to prove itself as legitimate both to Koreans at the periphery and American hip-hop at the center.

Power, Politics, and Sadaejuui
What one must know about Korean culture vis a vis hip-hop is that certain key socio-historical frames of thinking frame the way Koreans approach the genre. Korea in the modern era and for a good several centuries before it has always been affected by colonial or neo-colonial relationships with vastly more powerful sponsor states. This was true for China, which was never a conqueror or a sovereign over ancient Korea (Joseon), but a suzerain. The first great articulator (and architect) of modern Korean history, Shin Chae-ho, called this relationship (and the lackeyesque attitude/identity it engendered) sa-dae-ju-ui, a four character Chinese term that means "deference to the greater power") "Korea" had enjoyed a mostly beneficial suzerainty relationship with "China" for a huge stretch of historical time by the time imperial Japan formally annexed Korea in 1910 and officially ended Korea's political independence and forced Korea into a traditional, exploitative colonial  relationship that would last until the Japanese empire's resource needs clashed with that of the United States, causing the ill-fated political decision to "brush back" the US with the attack on Pearl Harbor, which launched a war that would end with the nuclear obliteration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the end of the Japanese military empire, and suddenly thrust a newly liberated South Korea into the controlling hands of its former vanqquisher's vanquisher. To allow sadaejuui to make sense of all of this, as the greater power changed from China to Japan to the United States, the language of power changed from Chinese to Japanese to English. The race of the Powerful Ones changed, as did the ideologies which justified and rationalized their cultural power, and the common sense ways of making sense of the world also changed, from the pure Han Chinese ideal that overlapped quite well with Korean notions of ethnicity and aesthetics, to one that privileged the pure, Sun God Ameterasu-descended, pure Yamato race of Japan, to that of the American notion that "White is Right", since the fact that the racial hierarchy of their new occupiers mattered in how things got done and who got to do them was not lost on Koreans. The fact that few blacks were officers were black and almost all blacks were enlisted men was not lost on Koreans, and even Korean prostitutes knew not to cross the racial lines dictated by their clientele; you either took black guys or white soldiers, not both. Add to this the powerful messages sent by Hollywood films and American television, magazines, and popular music and it makes for quite a heady Cocktail of Western Power. 

The semiotic language of sadaejuui is one that CL speaks well, as she constantly works to establish and maintain her popularity by linking herself to both people and practices from the (African-)American center. Indeed, CL is fluent in the literal and semiotic "language of power" that Khip-hop must speak in order to be viable not just outside its borders, but within Korea itself. 

CL's "Dr. Pepper" video is again instructive here. . A lot of different keywords and bits of theory could be invoked here, several of which have recently entered the popular discourse and theoretical imagination: objectification and commodification of the female body, the heterosexual male gaze (even if it isn't employed by a male heterosexual), and sexual fetish totems. Structurally, CL in "Dr. Pepper" is no different from how Ice Cube and NWA demonstrated their mastery of the field and art, as well as over female bodies, by linking fictive criminality with the objectification of said female bodies as a sign of their virility and male power. Indeed, this is not very different from many videos in the genre. Behold, a classic example from the genre and anothet exemplary work, NWA's "Hello":

For CL to utilize American authenticity modes that in her videos, such as she did in "Bad Girl", could potentially be too much for a Korean audience,  yet utilizing women in the same way in her video is still (perhaps paradoxically) still a natural fit. This semiotic deployment of the woman's body is both uncannily unfamiliar yet eerily familiar. It is a display of her mastery over her sector of the rap field, and the use of dominated female bodies seems pretty semiotically familiar to a South Korean audience that is quite used to this formula as it evolved in the United States, the culture in which the form originates.

CL NEW SOLO SINGLE '나쁜 기집애 (THE BADDEST FEMALE)' Available on iTunes @ http://smarturl.it/CLTheBaddestFemale #2NE1 #CL #나쁜기집애 #THEBADDESTFEMALE More about 2NE1 @ http://www.yg-2ne1.com/ http://www.facebook.com/2ne1 http://www.youtube.com/2ne1 http://iTunes.com/2NE1 http://weibo.com/2ne1asia http://twitter.com/ygent_official

What I point out in the CL video above is the degree to which it successfully appropriates all kinds of cultural elements that are indeed alien to anything going on in Korean society and are loaded with meaning from value systems that are at least somewhat to completely incompatible with Korean society. Having a gold "grill" (with fangs, no less!), lascivious play with and display of a riding crop, which is a mainstay of S/M culture, the obvious nod to chola culture with the lowrider bicycle and the apparent moment of arrest by the police, which all adds up to a nod in the direction of LA gang culture, as well as urban life in LA, especially as punctuated by the allusion to actual biker gangs, then the performance of a dance "gang" with masks and apparently "dangerous" wear and moves. It is all topped off by a shot of  Adidas shoes tied together and thrown over a wire, which is a staple in urban, gang culture as a monument to someone dearly departed. None of these elements are familiar to the average Korean viewer and in fact likely feel quite foreign objects that mark foreign practices from foreign -- nay, American -- cultural contexts. 

The fact of the foreignness of these objects is not lost on a Korean viewer. Indeed, in the overlapping historio-psychological modes of Korean thinking of sadaejuui and modern Korean post-coloniality, it is the particular way in which they are foreign that is important. This is the key way that Korean hip hop at the periphery approaches the American center. As non-black potential approriators, Koreans are coming at the center from the figurative and literal bottom and from the far outside, whereas someone like Eminem comes into the field from above, and from the inside of a culture that is already sensitive to the issue of whitely-raced appropriators. 

 

CJ CGV 상영전 광고영상

The "Global Fetish"
And yes, Koreans had to imbibe that special cocktail of geopolitical-cultural power, to drink that special flavor of the neo-colonial Kool-Aid. And it was within that general historiopsychological frame of sadaejuui that Korean national deveopment took place, with the concrete assistance and support of the USA (and former colonizer Japan, many Koreans like to conveniently forget), while that development process founf internal validation through external markers. Symbolic GDP levels of 10,000 or 20,000 per capita GDP were important psychological moments for Korea, as were the 1988 Olympics, which was both an impetus and a symbol for Korea becoming modern, or at least, being seen that way. This sadaejuui pattern of thinking backgrounded everything Koreans did on their own, internally, with validation of these efforts coming from the outside, most importantly, the White West, and even more importantly, the USA. So, as the "global" has become more than just a pipe dream and a reality for a Korea with not just a highly developed infrastructure in heavy industry, factory production, and ideologies of anti-Communism that have served the Republic well, but which now has a highly developed popular culture infrastructure in music, film, food, and fashion, there is now a discernible "global fetish" that undergirds and validates Korean cultural projects. The recent "Premium Korea" ad from the CJ group is a perfect case with which to illustrate how sadajuui has evolved into a "global fetish" (a brilliant concept articulated by scholar Kim Hyunjung) that both undergirds and validates all commercial and cultural endeavors in Korea, as well as the Korean national project itself. 

Put simply, Korean people are quite used to bright and shiny, obviously and incongruously foreign things sticking out from Korean cultures, aesthetics, and things; indeed,  from Koreanness itself. And the way the sticking out happens is, for the most part, shot through with positive feelings, positive connotations. Ever since the beginning of Korean modernity itself -- and one shouldn't forget that the very ideas of progress, enlightenment, and modernity themselves were initially foreign concepts from outside, mostly filtered through Japan -- foreign things have always been associated with things that were generally understood to be good. (reference Andre Schmid's Korea Between Empires here.)

Then Korea enters its quite accidental encounter with America in the 1950s and ends up under the control and in the thrall of the notion of America and her things. American technologies, buildings, fashions, music, aesthetics, ideas, and even American English. And things American are not only obviously superior, but they are good

Americans, on the other hand, are generally used to a different relationship with foreign otherness within the realm of popular culture and aesthetic concerns. Americans generally don't like to watch subtitled films, listen to pop music in languages they don't understand, or wear fashions that obviously come from specific other places. Now, when one adds on the historically specific encounter with an entity such as Frenchness, the feelings become suddenly, starkly (and perhaps even viciously) negative. The French language itself sounds effeminate and offensively foreign to American ears in a way that Italian or Spanish do not (those languages are a whole separate set of stories), the idea of sporting French fashions seems pompous and even ostentatious, and one must consider the way that the descriptor French itself carries the notion of something done wrong or even perversely. The "French kiss" is a lewd, tongue-filled verson of a normal, decent kiss, since the French were known for doing things more lasciviously and decadently --immorally -- than Americans thought of themselves as doing. This is the particular way that Americans constructed Americanness against this particular other. Whatever the reasons or particular examples, the general Korean cultural attitude toward a certain kind of otherness vis a vis the great powers that have at different times exerted great influence over Korea has historically been one of deferential respect, especially as other great powers have carried with/through their influence ideas such as Enlightenment, Progress, or Modernity. Clear examples of how certain attitudes and positive "gusts of popular feeling" rode along with the concrete objects or technologies that marked these concepts were the Newspaper, the idea of National History, and the Department Store, respectively. In fact, one can argue (as scholar Katarzyna J. Cwiertka has brilliantly talked about in an essay called "Dining Out in the Land of Desire: Colonial Seoul and the Korean Culture of Consumption"). 

Indeed, as several top Korean Studies scholars of modernity in Korea have argued elsewhere, even the very notions of modern identity and subjectivity themselves found expression and focus through now-seemingly-mundane things/places/concepts such as the department store, the radio, the movie theater, the public school, or even popular notions, such as the "modern girl" or "culture" -- and it should not escape the astute reader's notice that many of these concepts revolve centrally around new forms of modern media and modern modes of economic consumption. None of this relationship between what "historical materialist" historians such as the infamous Karl Marx call the fundamental and concrete, economic base of society (you could think of this as one might the hardware of a computer, which is one way I tell my students to think about it) that largely creates/controls/influences the malleable, less concrete stuff atop it (one might think of this as the "software") called the superstructure has changed much. This is what Cultural Studies folks believe, and how such scholars think -- that the stuff in our heads, or that comes from our heads, such as found in ideas or beliefs (ideology), things with messages such as novels, movies, and music videos (cultural texts), or even practices (say, like bowing to one's elders, trends in popular dance) all exist within the bounds of social norms (rules to live by) that support the smooth operation of the base. 

Yes, even -- and perhaps especially -- everyday fashion. If say, one lives within an economy defined by consumer capitalism that encourages -- nay, relies upon -- people consuming things to keep the fires burning and the wheels turning, and one of the popular impetuses of buying is argued to be that one's identity can best be defined through what one buys (such as in cell phone cases, t-shirts, or even the clothing one buys that define "looks" that identify our affinities, such as in "punk" or "goth"), it is easy to see why this kind of behavior bolsters a value that helps keep all kinds of consumption happening and seen as a positive social good. This is a Cultural Studies way of looking at say, Korean street fashion as a cultural text, as a social and economic activity that helps keep the machine of the base humming and thrumming and helps everything in society just make sense. 


In this video made by BIGBANG, one can see the particular Korean expression of this semiotic language of masculinized mastery in therap field in not only the rappers' domination of all the women in the video as servile sexual objects, but also in the way nationality is employed in this process, as the fact that modern versions of the Korean traditional hanbok are being worn by the Caucasian, western women as they playfully indulge the men their sexual flirtations is one lost on nary a single Korean viewer. This is a semiotic wink to the strong message here that a masculine Korea has dominated the West as symbolized by the sartorial domination of its women, as they wear the feminine hanbok even as the men wear exaggerated forms of  western dress. Indeed, the Korean male dominating the women of the metropole is as significant to the solidification of their assertions of internationalized male mastery as it is to the vainglorious drive to be seen as an internationally recognized Korean musical act. It all kind of blends together. It is here that I am reminded that there is an entire genre of pornography dedicated entirely to the idea of power play through clothing, with abbreviations such as CMNF (Clothed Male Naked Female) and ENF (Embarassed Naked Female). 

Available on iTunes @ http://smarturl.it/BIGBANG_M #‎BIGBANG‬ ‪#‎빅뱅‬ #BAEBAE ‪#‎BIGBANGMADE‬ ‪#‎MADESERIESM‬ More about BIGBANG @ http://ygbigbang.com/ http://www.facebook.com/bigbang http://www.youtube.com/BIGBANG http://sptfy.com/BIGBANG http://twitter.com/ygent_official

But back to CL's video here: I think she's also channeling the attitude of Trina, who is definitely "da baddest bitch" and is indeedis the archetype of contemporary rap female baddassery in the rap field in the United States. She sings the anthem of a masculinized mastery in rap that has truly been flipped onto its back and thrown in the face of the men who have antagonized her.

Music video by Trina performing Da Baddest Bitch. Off the album Da Baddest Bitch. © 2000 Atlantic

Trina here does it in the way that Americans can accept and let her get away with, but CL could never go this far, at least not in Korean culture,  unless it becomes a runaway hit and she can get away with overt rejection of male supremacy in Korea under the protection of the global gaze, in the same way that PSY got away with murder here with his own runaway hit videos. 

Trina is someone with whom CL must surely be familiar, especially in that her own music video "the baddest girl" seems to be functioning in the same mode (and even share the same music video titles) of social pushback against traditional male-defined roles of femininity.

CL NEW SOLO SINGLE [나쁜 기집애 (THE BADDEST FEMALE)] ▶ iTunes: http://smarturl.it/CLTheBaddestFemale ▶ eBay: http://stores.ebay.com/YG-Entertainment ▶ YG-eshop: http://www.ygeshop.com ▶ YG-eshop (China): http://cn.ygeshop.com For More Information @ http://www.facebook.com/2ne1 http://twitter.com/ygent_official http://me2day.net/ygonair http://www.yg-2ne1.com App Store: http://goo.gl/l9TU6 Google Play: http://goo.gl/UiEn © YG Entertainment Inc. All rights reserved.

But of course CL could never take her assertions of sexuality and throwing that back in the face of male sexual power in quite the same literal and direct way, which is why it's channeled through traditional symbols of sexual ownership, namely the barely clad girls writhing in front of the camera in her Dr. Pepper video at the top of this post, as ubiquitous symbols of her mastery. 

Semiotically, there's actually quite a bit going on here. One thing that strikes me about this video is the fact that she is the only woman amongst every female in the video who gets to wear high heels, which is very symbol of female sexual power. It strikes me that all of the other women, the backup dancers on the ground, are shown without their faces and stripped of any symbol of female sexual assertiveness. In a way, the only women who are stripped of that power and opened to the mastery of others as represented by the heterosexual male gaze, are the women writhing on the ground, and this imagery makes it very clear that the women who are presented semiotically as signs/accoutrements of male mastery, very much does not include CL, who literally stands on top of things, performing and laying down the raps with the other male rappers featured in the video. She is not a girl who gets fucked but does the fucking, along with the men. IN this sense, the aesthetic deployment here is one found in CMNF (Clothed Male Naked Female) pornography. Such an aesthetic was not lost on Robin Thicke in his photo shoot for Treats! Magazine, a photo shoot and set of semiotic, sartorial ideas that was the inspiration for his music video "Blurred Lines."

 

This is a behind the scene video (clean) from the cover shoot of Treats! Issue 6. To see the uncensored full version go to http://treatsmagazine.com "Blurred Lines" Has nothing on this!! Music by: Skrillex - Dive Bomb Provided by: Jingle Punks Photography: Steve Shaw Video: Michael Brillantes & Jim Dziura Video Production: Mike Welch Fashion Stylist: Arturo D.

Indeed, the interplay between clothing and power is apparent in Thicke's final video, in which he is clothed in the ultimate embodiement of male power, in a classic dark gray suit, open-collared black shirt, and aviator glasses. The women are obviously objects of his gaze and control, and are conspicuously unclothed. CL employs this mode of sartorial domination in her Dr. Pepper video, to great effect. This mode of semiotic employment is one not lost on the viewer, even if the particular points of its deployment are not consciously obvious. Indeed, the meta-argument in the symbolic empowerment of the men in the actual defrocking of all the women in Thicke's video speaks to a visible, visceral sexual domination of women in that video, and is a semiotic mode that CL deploys quite well in her own video. 

On "Cultural Appropriation"
But a big question, beyond what's going on in CL's video, in how Korean popular music gets away with so much cultural appropriation without rebuke or much pushback from hip hop fans who often point out the inherent contradictions in the process of appropriation. Why Korean cultural appropriation of African-American culture in K-pop seems to work without arousing much ire:

It's an inherently conscious cultural appropriation.
It's a fairly conscious process, in which the cultural borrowing is always inherently attributed. In the case of South Korea's relationship with the UNited States, it's important to remember that this is not a case of a white American overculture borrowing African-American cultural forms and calling them its own, which is why its so irksome and an issue in the USA, but borrowing any aspect of black culture and using it in a Korean context is different because the act of borrowing is obvious as the borrowing isn't perceived as just African-American, but rather American, and hence a part of the neo-colonial US-Korea relationship. In short, unlike the American overculture discovering Elvis after an appropriative act of borrowing down, a Korean musical act channeling the style and execution of American hip hop is borrowing up in very essentially different power relationship to the culture at the periphery and the one that defines the center of the metropole. 

A Point of departure
A point of departure for CL, as well as a turning point in K-pop....

"Passing Through: Existential Authenticity in the Korean Street Fashion Practices of Chinese Tourists"

Three Korean nationals wear the (now trendy) hanbok in Insadong, Seoul, which is a prime "arena of the authentic" in Korea, where the hanbok has long been a semiotic marker for Korean Tradition. In a Society of the Spectacle, even the Tradition…

Three Korean nationals wear the (now trendy) hanbok in Insadong, Seoul, which is a prime "arena of the authentic" in Korea, where the hanbok has long been a semiotic marker for Korean Tradition. In a Society of the Spectacle, even the Traditional has become just another referent in a sea of symbols that have become equivocated into meaninglessness, and just another element to be recycled into the relentless, all-consuming maw of the Trend Machine.

Ning Wang (1999) provides a lot of the theoretical undergirding for this paper in his explication of what he calls "existential authenticity" in tourism studies. In observing and interacting with young subjects as a street photographer in Seoul, I have increasingly come into contact with seemingly Korean subjects around popular tourist sites who turn out to be Chinese nationals who  are merely in Korean dress.

Unlike traditional Chinese tourists who seem content to sightsee the city of Seoul as a site of many toured objects, there is a sizeable number of tourists from China who actively engage in the much more participatory act of finding trendy Korean clothing, wearing them, and experiencing Korea as an apparent Korean. The act of passing -- no matter how superficially -- as a Korean seems to add quite a bit of existential authenticity to the tourism experience in Korea. Initial conversations with several subjects has yielded the existence of an industry  dedicated to providing Chinese tourists with this experience of passing through Korea as a Korean

Wang, N. (1999). "RETHINKING AUTHENTICITY IN TOURISM EXPERIENCE." Annals of Tourism Research 26(2): 349-370.    

Wang, N. (1999). "RETHINKING AUTHENTICITY IN TOURISM EXPERIENCE." Annals of Tourism Research 26(2): 349-370.

    

Background to the Study, from a Stunning Realization

I initially stumbled across the phenomenon of Chinese tourists “passing” as Korean locals as a street photographer shooting a story for the Huffington Post’s Style section, a story on the styles of the 2015 summer focusing on Ewha Women’s University in Seoul as a representative site of young female sartorial consumption. As an investigator and photographer, my goal was to identify the most common (frequently occurring) and representative examples of Korean summer 2015 fashions of the Seoul streets for the story. With my team of assistants/intern/students, we selected a young woman in an American football jersey dress who seemed the absolute epitome of that style of the time. 

After one of the student interns bravely grab her and combine her to pose, turns out she was with one of the many Chinese tourists who are legion at the Ewha front gate, which is apparently a major tourist destination for the Chinese who come to Korea, an

However, I was surprised to learn from our short interaction in Korean that not only was she a Chinese national but that she was on a short trip for shopping, and was wearing the dress, shoes, and other items she had bought on the very trip she was on. It was, however, our very next subject, who brought about the moment of realization that was the impetus for the writing of the present article. 

It seems like room most eye-catching Chinese tourists, and we were hoping to get more actual students from the University. Since it was lunchtime, we decided that moving in towards the center of campus would yield more Korean students actually attending t


On the same day and search for photographic subjects, we encountered two seemingly Korean young women dressed in matching trend items of the day, two sports jersey-style tops and a mass market approximation of the homemade “Daisy Duke” extremely short pants, made in the style of jean pants cut into shortsso short that the pockets extend below the home-hewn hemline, or alternatively, rolled up that short.

I bumped into this trend a young Korean woman — whoops – turns out she was Chinese, and not an exchange student, but a tourist. I've been meaning to follow up on what I say is this interesting pattern of young female Chinese tourists coming to Korea and b

From "Existential" to "Performative" Authenticity

And upgrade from "existential authenticity" -- "performative authenticity": an integrated notion that draws heavily on Judith Butler’s notion of identity performance, and Bourdieu’s field theory and habitus, and conveys the “transposition of objective structures of the field into subjective practice of the individuals.”(Zhu)

 

 

Chinese ajumma on a shopping trip through Jongno, central Seoul, where the tourists formerly didn't go very much. The only place more inscrutably, hardcore Korean than the Jongno district in Seoul is Yeongdeungpo, but I wonder now if even that area has fa
Chinese exchange student in Hongdae. The many Chinese rolling in Korean garb these days belie the growing popularity of Korean Wave products that make Korea the cool place to study abroad from other places in Asia.
He did his compulsory military service after his freshmen year. She's a Chinese university student in a Korean university. He was holding her purse before she reclaimed her accessory item for the shoot. An interesting story-in-a-picture here.

 

This Is Where It Gets Queer

This is where I take a sharp departure into the seemingly unusual theoretical toolbox of psychology and what is now called queer studies. Important to the notion of “performative authenticity” is where the performance of particular acts imbued with identity-relevant symbolic meaning are the points through which individuals can reach — and actively maintain — a state of “existential authenticity”. It must be achieved and maintained through performative acts. In this sense, I argue that there is a hugely useful theoretical parallel between male-to-female transvestism and cosplay. 

 

Magnus Hirschfeld is the legendary physician/sexologistwho was a “key player in the development of taxonomies of sexual identities and who coined the terms “transvestite” and “transsexual.” This is where Hirschfeld’s data becomes useful as a parallel case of “performative authenticity”, where queer theory can combine with Butlerian critical theory and lead us to some useful insights regarding the question of dress and the performance of imagined identities. In this sense, the cases aren’t all that different (Chinese or even modern Koreans wearing a hanbok, cosplay, and transvestism) and stand in a relationship of useful parallel. So, it's time to talk about sex -- very queer sex -- as a performative act that defines a state of being.

This is where we get to the meat of the matter. Prior to the work of Magnus Hirschfeld, Freudian psychology was too focused on "fetish" as the way of explaining (largely male) crossdressing; it was supposedly an act related to the sexual excitement had in response to an object that itself was imbibed with special sexual meaning due to its symbolic associations with the person it represented (often a mother, lover, or other object of sublimated sexual desire). But Hirschfeld had a different insight. He held that his largely "heterosexual" male interviewees didn't express symbolic, fetishistic desire to touch, wear, or masturbate upon certain physical objects (which were usually items of women's clothing), but they were actually objects that enabled fleeting yet intense moments of being women. Importantly, these were usually "women" in some idealized, fantasy form (an innocent child, prostitute, or respectable Lady) and often such women as engaged in fantastical moments of extreme being female in the context of hypersexualized, often pornographic notions of femininity, such as being forced into prostitution or being raped. Besides these fleeting instants of femininity, most men describing such sexually motivated feelings of authenticity as women emphasize their extreme distaste (or disgust at) for the idea of having sex with a man as a man. It is apparent that the pleasure in sexual congress comes from the pleasure in achieving authenticity as a woman through the performance of womanness as defined through clothing, as opposed to the sexual acts themselves.  

If the achievement of authenticity and the pleasure in passing is not something that is easy to maintain as a passive, static state, but is instead something that requires continuous effort though the constant performance of meaningful acts that actively define that existential state of being is something that nominally heterosexual male crossdressers do through clothing, the parallel to another situation in which sartorial practices define the achievement and maintenance of a state of pleasurable passing as defined through performativity -- Chinese tourists in Korea passing as Korean -- becomes clear. My own ethnographic interactions and interviews suggest this is a  major factor in why and how Chinese tourists come to Korea. 

Itaewon, Christmas Eve. I spy a trifecta of trendy Korean fashion items from the cab and my amazingly speedy and persuasive assistant Teenie is on the ground in an instant, and has them in a verbal headlock enough for me to swoop in with the camera and start shooting. But little did we know that the pair was a couple of Chinese tourists, and since TEENIE is from Hong Kong, well, everything fell into place from there. They initiated that "everybody" does like they do, which is hit the Korean streets shopping for clothes, put them on, then start touring kora AS Korean people.

Koreans, Tradition, and Arenas of the Authentic

It occurs to me that not only is there a well-defined notion of the Authentic in korean contemporary culture -- usually defined as things associated with a constructed notion of "Tradition" in Korea and with their many sartorial, fetish markers -- but there are actual arenas of the Authentic. These are geographic areas in Korea that are metonyms of the Traditional, such as Gyeongbuk Palace in Seoul. It is my argument that this explains the recent huge uptick in the sartorial practice of wearing hanbok in the vicinity of as well as inside traditional structures. In a tourist economy in which where natives and tourists are both engaged in a struggle to achieve a pleasure in performing an imagines Authentic (whether that be defined as a mere Korean or more ideally, a Traditional Korean), this points to a multi-layered kind of phenomenon involving objectivist notions of the authentic articulated somewhat separately from the concerns of the constructivist/existentialist notions of the authentic. But what about when the “arenas of authenticity" are increasingly occupied by natives engaging in the same performative practices as the tourists? It would be unusual to see this unless there were two levels of authenticity here, no?

Two Chinese tourists "perform" Korean Tradition in the ultimate arena of Authenticity, the souvenir shop. 

Two Chinese tourists "perform" Korean Tradition in the ultimate arena of Authenticity, the souvenir shop. 

Two Korean visitors to the Gyeongbok Palace "perform" Korean Tradition in the ultimate arena of Authenticity, the “souvenir shop” of national tourist sites. 

Two Korean visitors to the Gyeongbok Palace "perform" Korean Tradition in the ultimate arena of Authenticity, the “souvenir shop” of national tourist sites. 

In the midst of a “culture industry”-dominated society that has succeeded in commodifying culture as a major part of the economy, it makes sense that the natives take pleasure in consuming it, although the nature of the performative authenticity — the basis of authenticity itself — may be vastly different. But the forms of performing authenticity look largely the same, as do the end goals of achieving a state of existential authenticity. This is where what is now called “queer” identity, tourism studies, and visual sociology can come together …especially when these young women,from inside and outside Korea, are engaging in the same performative sartorial practices…

In a situation in which both natives and tourists are both engaging in performative authenticity within arenas of authenticity, really, who is impersonating whom, and which is any more "real" than than the other? Or, alternatively, is the Korean doing Traditional Korea any less other than the Other? 

 

 

Working Bibliography

Asphodel, Autumn. "Passing as Female | Male to Female Transgender / Transsexual" (YouTube Video). 2014. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XLTcwqfDKXE.

Hill, Darryl B. "Sexuality and Gender in Hirschfeld’s Die Transvestiten : A Case of the "Elusive Evidence of the Ordinary" " Journal of the History of Sexuality 14, no. 3, July (2005): 316-32.

Wang, N. (1999). "RETHINKING AUTHENTICITY IN TOURISM EXPERIENCE." Annals of Tourism Research 26(2): 349-370.

Zhu, Yujie. "Performing Heritage: Rethinking Authenticity in Tourism." Annals of Tourism Research 39 (2012): 1495-513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2012.04.003.

    

Ladification: Gendered Gentrification in Seoul, Korea

Highly gendered consumption has created market forces that turnedg  my beloved Hungry Dog diner man cave into a juice bar filled exclusively with girly girls. Because Korean girly girls are not really hungry dogs.

Ladification?여기 젠트리피케이션의 새로운 형태로서 특이하게 성별화된, 특히 젊은 여성이 주도하는 이국적인 것의 소비성향에 의한 젠트리피케이션이 있다. 이것은 특히 외국 음식을 통한 소비에서 확실히 보이는데, 가장 두드러지는 곳은 서울의 해방촌/이태원지역이다.
There is a new, singularly peculiar pattern of gendered gentrification driven by young, women-led consumption of foreignness. This is especially true in the consumption of via foreign foods, most notably in the Haebangchon/Itaewon area of Seoul, South Korea.

서양에서 문제가 되어온 전통적인 형태의 젠트리피테이션은 가난한 주민이 살던 지역에 어떤 ‘쿨’함이 생겨나면서 이로 인해 사회경제적으로 우위에 있는 집단이 방문하고, 먹고, 그리고 생활을 하고 싶은 장소로 바뀌면서, 마침내 상업비용이나 주거비용이  문화적으로도 재정적으로도 원래 살던 주민이 더 이상 살 수 없는 지점까지 오르게 되는 현상을 말한다. 오랫동안 살았던 거주민은 자기가 살던 동네에서 이방인이 되고, 그 이전에 작아지고, 비싸지고 적대화된 주택시장에서 경제난민이 되어 새로 살 집을 구해야만 하는 처지가 된다. 특히 미국의 경우 이 문제는 인종적인 관점에서 뚜렷한 표현으로 나타나는 경향을 보이는데, 그 문제가 되는 사회적 표현 방식은 상황과 장소에 따라 다르더라도 그 형태는 비슷하다. 
Traditional patterns/definitions of “gentrification” in the sense it has become an issue in the West have defined a conversation in which people have become concerned with the way certain, formerly poor communities become seeded with “cool” when they become desirable places for members of an advantaged socio-economic class to meet, eat, and then live, which eventually drives up commercial then residential rent prices to the point that the area become a culturally untenable, fiscally unaffordable place to live. Longtime residents quickly become strangers on their own former communities, and before long become economic refugees forced to look for new homes in a shrinking, expensive, and increasingly hostile housing market. In the United States in particular, this problem tends to find sharp expression through the social dimension of race, but the pattern is similar, even if the particular problematic points of social expression differ from case to case and place to place. 

 

The highlighted red areas are heavy zones of ladification.

It's All about the Ladies
한국에서 젠트리피케이션이란 부정적인 의미로, 역사적으로는 강제 개발의 형태를 취하며 서양과는 또 다른 패턴에 따라 일어나는 경향이 있다. 현대적인 것과 새로운 것이 숭배받는 개발지상주의문화에서 개발과 발전이란 긍정적인 의미를 가지고 있어서, 어떤 곳을 재개발(실제로는 개발)을 한다고 할 때, 설사 그 개발이 누군가는 정당한 보상없이 집을 잃는다는 뜻이라 할지라도 거기에 반대하는 것은 쉽지 않다. 그런 의미에서 젠트리피케이션은 한국형 재개발 현상이 영어 ‘gentrification’으로 번역되면서 부정적 의미를 갖게 된다.
In Korea, what can be called “gentrification,” in the negative sense, tends to take place according to a different pattern, which has historically taken the shape of “forced development.” And since “development” and “progress” are ideas that have generally been assigned quite positive connotations in a development-obsessed culture that quite nearly worshipped the idea of the Modern and the New, it has been difficult to fight against the idea of “re-developing” (actually, “developing”) any place, even if that means losing one’s home without fair recompense. So it in that sense that “gentrification” takes on a negative connotation when the Korean version of this “redevelopment” phenomenon gets translated into the English word “gentrification.”

그러나 ‘해방촌’이란 별칭이 붙은 용산동2가에서 벌어지는 현상은, 위의 두가지 젠트리피케이션 유형과는 상이하면서도, 부분적으로는 양쪽 다 해당한다고 볼 수 있다. 
그러나 해방촌이라는 별명으로 불리는 용산동2가에서 일어나고 있는 현상은 이 두 가지의 젠트리피케이션 유형과는 다르면서 또한 부분적으로는 양쪽의 경우에 모두 해당이 된다. 해방촌에서 일어나고 있는 일은 매우 성별화된, 소비주도의 젠트리피케이션으로 이것을 더 적절하고 구체적으로 (그리고 발칙하게) 묘사하면 ‘레이디피케이션’이라 할 수 있는데,  ‘젠트리(신사)’가 지역을 점령하는 것을 젠트리피케이션이라 하니 동등한 상황을 여성특화하여 적용한다면 그렇게 되지 않겠나. 만약 지역이 남성, 즉 젠트리에 의해서 점령이 되는 것이 아니라 레이디(숙녀)에 의해 것이 된다면 레이디피케이션이란 단어는 보다 적절한 사용이 될 것이다.
But what’s happening in Yongsan-dong 2-ga, colloquially nicknamed “Haebangchon”, is different from both of these models of “gentrification” while being partially describable by both. What’s happening in Haebangchon is a highly gendered form of consumption-driven gentrification, which can be more aptly, specifically (and cheekily) described by the term “ladification,” if one decides to take on the female-specific equivalent to the descriptor for an imagined “gentry” taking over an area. If one were to imagine that an area has been taken over not by members of a gentry, but by ladies, then the term “ladification” makes better, more proper sense. 

Spring nights in Gyeongnidan offer Consumption and Romanticism.

나는 현재 한국에서 이 특이하고 고유한 새로운 형태의 젠트리피케이션으로 생각되는 레이디피케이션에 대한 민족학적 연구를 진행 중이다. 이것은 새로운 종류의 사회경제학적 현상으로 볼 수 있는데, 이 현상은 최근 한국을 근본적으로 변화시키고 있는 소비주의 혁명의 한 부분으로, 모든 면에서 민주주의 운동이 정체성, 행동, 사회 관습의 개념에 미친 영향과 같은 수준으로 볼 수 있다.
I am presently conducting ethnographic research on what I see as a new kind of gentrification – “ladification” – that is particular and peculiar to Korea. It is a new kind of socio-economic phenomenon, since it is occurring as a part of the consumerism revolution that is fundamentally changing Korea in recent years, on a level that is every bit as socially impactful as the democracy movement was on Korean notions of identity, behavior, and social mores. 

An Ethnic, Gender Enclave
해방촌에 처음 이사온 2012년 여름은 내가 심각한 교통사고의 후유증으로 생긴 충격과 실직으로 생활에 큰 변화가 있은 직후였다. 당시 살고 있던 비싼 오피스텔에서 나와서 어딘가 싸면서도 사진작가와 대학교수를 하면서 수집한 많은 책들을 위한 넓은 공간이 필요했었다. 처음 해방촌에 이사 왔을 때 해방촌은 내게 그저 몇번 미국음식을 먹으러 왔던 곳일 뿐이었다. 이태원은 외국인들이 즐기는 곳이라면 해방촌은 그들이 실제로 먹고, 살고, 쉬는 곳 이었다. 나는 이곳을 외국인들의 게토쯤으로 생각하고 그런 인식을 공유하는 사람들을 만나러 왔을 뿐이었다. 내게 해방촌은 격이 떨어지는 곳처럼 느껴졌고, 미국에서 내가 전혀 살고 싶지 않았던, 사회학자들이 ‘소수민족거주지’라 부르는 차이나타운이나 리틀이탤리 같은 곳이었다. 그렇지만 내겐 선택의 여지가 별로 없었고 지금 힐카페의 맞은편에 있는, 꽤 넓으면서도 내 대학교수 월급에 맞는 적당한 가격의 집을 구했다.
I first moved to Haebangchon in the summer of 2012, after my life had been interrupted by the aftermath of a major traffic accident that left me stunned, unemployed, and needing to move out of my expensive officetel and find somewhere that was cheap yet spacious enough to house all of my many books and things that I had amassed in my life as both photographer and university professor. When I first moved to Haebangchon, it was what I had seen from the few times I had been here to eat real American foods. Itaewon was where foreigners played; Haebangchon was where they actually lived, ate, and relaxed.  I had thought it as “the foreigners’ ghetto” and came to see that others shared that perception. For me, it felt like a downgrade, as I had never wanted to live in what sociologists in the US call an “ethnic enclave”, e.g. “Chinatown” or “Little Italy.” Yet, I had little choice, and the place I found across from what is now the Hill Café is quite spacious and reasonably priced for my university salary. 
이런 내가 놀라게 된 것은 예전의 부동산이 보니스라는 피자펍으로 바뀌는 것을 보았을 때 였다. 처음에는 그저 동네에 넘쳐나는 펍을 하나 더 연다는게 좋은 생각인 것 같지 않았다. 그런데 이 곳이 20대 여성들로 가득찬, 지역에서 가장 인기있는 장소 중에 하나가 되어 건물 밖에까지 줄을 서고, 남자라고는 여자친구와 함께 온 것이 확실해 보이는 남자들만 보이는 것에 놀라고 한편으로 매료되어 지켜보았다.  
What surprised me was when I watched a former budongsan be transformed into a sports/pizza pub, now called Bonny’s. I initially thought a another pub on a street full of pubs to be a bad idea, but watched with growing surprise and fascination as that pub became one of the most popular establishments in the area, filled to the brim with 20-something women and girls, with a line outside the building, with the only males in sight being those in tow alongside the girlfriend who had obviously brought them along. 
20대와 30대 초반 여성들은 무리를 지어 중,고등학교 친구나 대학 친구들과 작은 동창회 모임처럼 모이고 커플들은 색다른 데이트를 찾는다. 그리고 이들의 소비능력은 지역의 상업적인 기업과 비즈니스의 속성을 바꾸고 있는 것처럼 보였다. 곧 작은 주스가게 밖에도 줄을 서고 충분한 고객과 자본을 확보한 가게는 예전에 지역의 외국인 커뮤니티에 식사를 제공하던 식당(헝그리독)을 사들였다. 진짜 미식가들을 타겟으로 한 고급 식당들(라 마마이트, 디 아워스, 맥코이스)이 흔해지고, 세탁소는 멋진 라운지(서울 바이닐)로 바뀌어서 실제로 유명한 가수가 그곳에서 술을 마시는 것을 직접 보기도 했다.
Groups of women in their twenties and early thirties would come in groups, as old friends from middle and high school, as well as college, would gather for mini-reunions, and couples would go for a different kind of date. And the consumptive power of these women seemed to be changing the nature of the kinds of commercial enterprises and businesses in the area. Soon, a tiny juice place (My Juice) had a line out the door and had gained enough customers and capital to buy out an established diner/bar that had primarily catered to the local, foreign community (The Hungry Dog), high-end bistros targeting real gastronomes (La Marmite, The Hours, or McCoy’s) became common, and a former laundromat became one of the coolest vinyl records lounges in Seoul (Seoul Vinyl), where I have personally seen musician and producer Pak Jin Young drinking and hanging out. 

이 새로운 성별화된 소비패턴은 상업적으로 문화적으로 지역을 변화시키고 있고 이 점이 내겐 무척 흥미로운데, 특히 상가의 세는 폭등했으나 주거지역의 세에는 크게 영향을 미치지 않았다는 것을 발견했다. 해방촌에서 소비하는 많은 여성들이 해방촌에 사는 것은 원하지 않는다는 점은 한국의 문화적 사고 패턴이 어떻게 동일하게 유지되고 있는 지와 관련이 있다고 생각한다. 외국문화를 소비하는 것 또는 이국적인 것 자체에 대한 생각조차 일상 생활에서 분리될 수 있을 때 더 쉽다는 것인데 외국문화를 소모품으로 편리하게 분류하고, 환상공간으로써 방문하기에는 좋은 곳이나 한국인으로서 꼭 살기에 좋은 곳은 아니라는 것이다.  그 곳이 아무리 즐거운 곳이라 할지라도 말이다.
The way this new gendered consumption pattern has changed the commercial and cultural makeup of the neighborhood is of great interest to me, especially in that I have noticed that even as commercial rents have skyrocketed in the area, they have had relatively little real effect on residential rental prices in the area. I believe this has to do with how Korean cultural patterns of thinking remain the same, as many of the young women who consume in Haebangchon definitely do not want to live in Haebangchon. Consuming foreign things, or even the idea of foreignness itself, is something that is easier to do when you can separate that from one’s everyday life, in that one can more comfortably compartmentalize foreign things into consumables, and visit them as a fantasy space in that is a nice place to visit, but as a Korean, not necessarily a place to live, no matter how much fun it is to visit.
이것이 내가 주제에 접근한 방식이고 아직 가게 주인들과 거주민, 방문객들 인터뷰를 통해 더 많은 부분을 연구해야 한다. 나는 아직 이 젊은 여성들이 외국 문화를 소비하는 새로운 방법이 강조된, 드물게 특이한 성별화된 젠트리피케이션(레이디피케이션)현상에 대한 기사를 쓰기 위한 민족지학 연구 중에 있다.
This is the way I am approaching the subject, and I have a lot left to learn from my interviews with storeowners, residents, and visitors. I am still finishing up my ethnographic research for the article I am writing on the singularly unique phenomenon of gendered gentrification (ladification) that highlights a new kind of consumption going on around how young women want to consume foreign cultures. 
해방촌과 외국문화 그리고 젊은 여성들이 소비하고 싶어하는 음식문화는 한국의 전통적 성별 규범과 젊은 여성들이 종종 직면하는 정체성의 축소로부터의 탈출로 정의될 수 있다. 해방촌은 이 여성들을 위한 음식문화적 탈출구가 되었으며 이것이 이 지역의 레이디피케이션이 젊은 여성들의 소비 선택에 의해 정의될 수 있는 이유이다.
Haebangchon and the foreign cultures and foodways that young women like to consume, define an escape from traditional Korean gender norms and constrictive notions of identity that young women often face. Haebangchon has become a place of culinary cultural escape for these young women, and this is why this area’s ladification has become defined by young women’s consumptive choices. 

 

 

 

Working Bibliography

Bak, Sangmee. 2010. “Exoticizing the Familiar, Domesticating the Foreign: Ethnic Food Restaurants in Korea.” Korea Journal 50 (1): 110–32.

Jeong Yeongju, Heo Jayun, Jung Changmu. 2014. “Behind the Bustling Street: Commerical Gentrification of Gyeongridan, Seoul.” Social and Behavioral Sciences 170. Elsevier B.V.: 146–54. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.01.024.

Kim, Ji Youn. 2015. “Cultural Entrepreneurs and Urban Regeneration in Itaewon, Seoul.” Cities 56. Elsevier Ltd: 132–40. doi:10.1016/j.cities.2015.11.021.

Shin, Hyun Bang, and Soo-hyun Kim. 2016. “The Developmental State, Speculative Urbanisation and the Politics of Displacement in Gentrifying Seoul.” Urban Studies 53 (3): 540–59. doi:10.1177/0042098014565745.

Kim, Won Bae. 2011. “The Viability of Cultural Districts in Seoul.” City, Culture and Society 2 (3). Elsevier Ltd: 141–50. doi:10.1016/j.ccs.2011.04.003.

Koh, Minkyung, and Edward J Malecki. 2016. “The Emergence of Ethnic Entrepreneurs in Seoul, South Korea: Globalisation from below.” Geographical Journal 182 (1): 59–69. doi:10.1111/geoj.12111.

Lee, Seon Young. 2014. “Urban Redevelopment , Displacement and Anti-Gentrification Movements.” 대한지리학회지 2014: 299–309.

Kim, Ji Youn. 2013. “COMMUNITY OF STRANGERS: ITAEWON FROM ‘AMERICANIZED’ GHETTO TO ‘MULTICULTURAL’ SPACE.” NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE. doi:10.1017/CBO9781107415324.004.

Lair of the Socially Liminal

A "Juicy Girl" in Itaewon's "Hooker Hill" area. Itaewon has long been the lair of the socially liminal, with Itaewon being the home for foreigners, "Hooker Hill" prostitutes for those foreigners, and the gays of "Homo Hill" which runs up a street right ne

A "Juicy Girl" in Itaewon's "Hooker Hill" area. Itaewon has long been the lair of the socially liminal, with Itaewon being the home for foreigners, "Hooker Hill" prostitutes for those foreigners, and the gays of "Homo Hill" which runs up a street right next to that of the hookers. Hookers, homos, and outlanders all in a No Man's Land zone of Otherness.